Nigeria’s terrorism notoriety
By okey ndibe
(E-mail: okndibe@yahoo.com )
Tuesday, December 29, 2009
Nigerians received a bizarre Christmas gift Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab, a 23-year
old man from a privileged background, tried to pull off what could have been
the bloodiest suicide bombing in the US since September 11, 2001. Umar Mutallab
had planned to detonate explosives strapped to his body in order to bring down
Northwest Airline Flight 253 as the jet neared its destination in Detroit, Michigan.
Had his gory plan succeeded, Umar – an engineering student at the University
of London and son of Umaru Abdul Mutallab, the just-retired chairman of First
Bank of Nigeria – would have unleashed mayhem and terror not only on Americans
but the world as a whole. Thanks to vigilant passengers who wasted no time in
pouncing on him the moment they heard popping sounds, this bone-chilling disaster
was averted.
Even so, this sickening plot by a sick child of privilege has become an instant
disaster for Nigerians everywhere, but especially those who live or frequently
travel abroad.
Fair or not (and there’s a lot of argument to be made on both sides),
Nigeria is portrayed in the foreign media as one of the great centers of corruption
and scams. Despite a well-established history of religious fanaticism that spills
out, intermittently, into orgies of killing in Allah’s name, Nigeria somehow
managed to escape being baptized a haven of religion-induced terrorism.
Until, that is, last Friday when Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab imprinted the name
of Nigeria on the global consciousness as an address where terrorists teem.
Through his depraved bombing plot, this young man has smudged the image of millions
of tolerant Nigerian Muslims in the eyes of the world. In fact, he’s given
all Nigerians a notoriety they can ill afford.
Nigerians who travel, or live abroad – especially in Europe, Asia and
North America – will bear the brunt of this dangerous new perception.
In a post 9/11 world where the lines between vigilance and hysteria are often
blurred, to be identified as sharing citizenship with a young man who tried
to incinerate a plane mid-air can mean great ordeal.
Throughout last week, I received calls from Nigerians living in the US, the
UK, or Europe. In each caller’s tone was a touch of dread. Some wondered
what Abdul Mutallab’s crazed design meant for the future of Nigeria, a
country already prostrate. Others were more concerned about how the aborted
drama of a bloody bombing would reshape their lives.
One friend, a professor at a top American university, told me about the traveling
trials of a colleague of his, a professor of Sudanese nationality. On numerous
occasions, the Sudanese scholar has been taken off flights, or prevented from
boarding one – all on account of the man’s “Islamic”
name and the Sudan’s reputation as a grooming ground for al Qaeda terrorists.
Another friend, a young executive at a major American financial services company,
related the experience of a colleague of his, an Egyptian-American. He said
that when he and his colleague traveled together, the Egyptian-American was
frequently subjected to exacting, even intrusive, searches and exhaustive questioning.
Travelers who carry the Nigerian passport know that they can count on a certain
level of scrutiny and hostility at foreign airports. Who needs the added aggravation
of being regarded as a terrorist – until you prove otherwise?
In the 1990s, at the height of 419 scams and other forms of schemes targeted
at banks and gullible individuals, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
issued alerts warning American financial institutions to be wary of hiring Nigerians.
Such directives took a toll on the career aspirations of many highly qualified
Nigerian professionals in the US who were turned back from jobs the moment their
passport gave them away. Many Nigerians who were working for financial corporations
were subjected to surveillance that presumed them to be criminals – or,
at least, crime-minded.
All that travail would pale to insignificance compared to the price Nigerians
resident abroad stand to pay if – God forbid – the impression takes
root that their country is a fertile soil for rabid zealots willing to inflict
mass-murder and other forms of mayhem on “infidels.”
How exactly did we get here?
One answer, of course, is that al Qaeda is a global scourge, with cells embedded
not only in Islamic nations but also in such liberal democracies as Britain,
Denmark, Canada and the United States of America. In that sense, then, there’s
nothing really extraordinary that a Nigerian had stepped up to play his hideous
part in a tragic plot.
But there’s also a sense in which Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab’s emergence
is the culmination of years of official nonchalance towards the phenomenon of
domestic religious violence. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have perished in
outbreaks of sectarian violence often instigated by members of some fringe Islamic
group or another. It’s depraved, but not altogether unexpected, that zealots
would from sometimes arise in a frenzied spree, fueled by a hunger to massacre
non-believers in the name of their deity. But what’s even weirder is that
the government – whose primary mandate ought to be the protection of lives
and property – habitually indulges the slaughterers. On numerous occasions,
the Nigerian police and army elected to snore away as fiends killed and destroyed
in the name of “God.” Few, if any, of those murderers were ever
prosecuted, much convicted.
The Nigerian state, in permitting sanctimonious fanatics to get away with their
cruel sport, helped create Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab. In the end, the difference
between domestic religious terrorism and its exportation is only a plane trip
away.
Dora Akunyili, Umaru Yar’Adua’s “rebrand” guru, once
disparaged Nigerians resident abroad for tarring their country’s image
through excessive criticism. Akunyili should know better, but those were the
early days of her commission – and she was, it seemed, desperate to convince
her paymasters that she was equal to the magic, not of clearing out shit, but
applying deodorant on it.
Akunyili’s barbs at foreign-based Nigerians sought to create a false dichotomy.
She implied that some Nigerians – the homebound ones – view their
country more positively than the disconnected “exiles.” The truth,
and she knows it, is that there are indeed two groups of Nigerians, but not
along the lines she suggested. There are those – the vast majority –
who are dismayed by their country’s missed opportunities and derailed
promises. And then, there are others – a tiny group – who profess
to love Nigeria exactly the way it is.
Whether one is located abroad or at home has nothing to do with one’s
response to Nigeria. Interest is everything. Nigerians are like people everywhere
else: they want a decent country where they can live as humans, secure in their
lives and property. But there are the few, leeches and parasites whose appetites
are as huge as their minds and consciences are miniscule, who take callous pleasure
in a dysfunctional Nigeria. For them, dysfunction is a necessary condition for
the kind of primitive accumulation in which they thrive.
Once the majority awakes to the fact of its numerical superiority – and,
from the way things are shaping up in the country, that’s bound to happen
sooner than later – then they will stand up and reclaim their country
from the calloused hands of the few manufacturers of misery and death in our
midst. That’s one way to ensure that the Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab and
his ilk don’t define the rest of us.