How the clergy aid election fraud

By Duro Onabule(duroonabule@gmail.com)
Friday, May 8, 2009

Nigeria is a nation of contradictions. If the tempo sustains, there will, eventually be more churches (they are in fact called House of God) in Nigeria than those in Israel, Italy, United States and United Kingdom combined.
Inevitably, as Catholics, protestants, Baptists, Apostolic, Pentecostals and fringe others, the number of pastors, bishops, reverends or apostles is daily rising astronomically to render this hitherto highly respected clergy almost ten for a kobo.
Equally at the same ever-rising tempo, there will eventually be in Nigeria, more mosques, Imams, Sheiks and Ayatollahs than the combined total in Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Eastern Emirates.

For churches or mosques in Nigeria, anywhere will do, rented flats or rooms, uncompleted or derelict buildings as churches or mosques. Since the past few years, all that is necessary to become a man of God is to be jobless or unemployable, gifted with sugar-coated tongue and the trickry to explain how you were called by God.

Nigeria has once again, like lightning, been struck, with a repeat of ungodly political crime dubbed elections. In that situation, how do churches, mosques, bishops, apostles, Imams, Sheikhs and other presumed religious leaders come in?
Since the poorly arranged drama (of the past one week) began, members this un-Godly gang attended either mosques last Friday and today (Friday) or churches last Sunday and will attend churches this Sunday, all invoking God’s name to forgive their sins or more provokingly, to give thanks to God for their achievements. Even an armed robber will give thanks to God for escaping being caught. It is a pastime of Nigerian sinners parading as political leaders, economic giants and business moguls.

These sinners may not even have much to account for before God the preachers? When for example, an election is rigged, the rigger knows within his mind the sin he committed. In such controversy, the community, including religious leaders listed above, normally split into two mutually hostile groups behind the culprit and the cheated.
When therefore the sinner, the election rigger attends a church or a mosque to give thanks to God, must a preacher condone such sacrilege? When therefore these preachers intimidate us with prospects of going to hell as sinners on earth, what awaits the preachers themselves?
Fela Anikulapo-Kuti knew his lyrics very well when he sang “Teacher, don’t teach me nonsense.” More than that, it is bewildering which one to keep faith with – God’s instant judgment or even no judgment at all?

In Nigeria, the most successful, the most durable and the instantly acclaimed ones are virtually all the undeserving ones. Otherwise, why must an MKO Abiola die only for an Olusegun Obasanjo to inherit his (Abiola’s) glory? Every Nigerian is well acquainted with the totally contrasting reputation of the two men.
The latest is what was supposed to be by-elections in ten local governments in Ekiti State. Being Nigerian, it would have been surprising if the event went without frightening drama the final of which has now been recorded and is sure to be followed by thanksgiving service today in mosques and churches this Sunday in Ekiti.
Earlier scenes of this drama seemed to peak with the documented resignation of Ekiti State resident National Electoral Commissioner, Ayoka Adebayo. Her resignation was preceded by her disappearance. While the search for her commenced, INEC National Chairman, Maurice Iwu, rescued the show from disaster or so he thought.

Resident Electoral Commissioner Ayoka Adebayo’s disappearance obviously created panic in government and forced Police Inspector-General to publicly declare her wanted to be questioned on her implied allegation of attempted rigging of Ekiti local government by-elections for the office of the state governor.
Ayoka Adebayo suddenly appeared at INEC’s National Office, Abuja. What happened to Inspector-General Mike Okiro’s intended interrogation of the lady? Nobody bothered even till now. Could that mean her proposed interrogation by the police was, as analysed here last week, intended to get to the root of the matter, which in police parlance, meant a dead end?

Instead, everybody fell in line as if nothing happened. That suited thinking in government circles, which is that, no matter how tense is the situation in the country, Nigerians will shout for three or four days, get weary or indeed, forget. Just do something. As usual, it worked on this occasion.
First was her re-appearance at Abuja to claim she was still a member of the INEC family, more specifically, as kingmakers, the second family in the country. The impression she gave was that she had been full of life all along. How then did INEC family patriarch Maurice Iwu come about his official statement that Ayoka Adebayo, his INEC sibling was at some stage ill or indisposed? Was there any medical report to that effect?
What magic did Maurice Iwu employ for his medical examination on Ekiti State Resident Electoral Commissioner to vouch for her illness? And nobody is demanding any explanation? In short, Maurice Iwu, beyond any reasonable doubt is a public liar.

Despite the re-surfacing of Ayoka Adebayo or indeed, her conclusion of the state governorship elections, there is the unresolved issue of her questionable legal status in concluding that elections.
Presumably, without any prompting from any quarters, Ekiti State Resident National Electoral Commissioner, Ayoka wrote President Umar Yar’Adua to resign her appointment. The letter, from whatever source, was widely quoted in print and electronic media, explaining her reasons. In acknowledging that letter, the Federal Government rejected her resignation.

Resigning, even if as resident Ekiti State National Electoral Commissioner, in simple language meant that statutorily, Ayoka Adebayo was not competent to perform the duties attaching to that office. Yes, Federal Government rejected her resignation but it was still mandatory for her to write another letter withdrawing and expressing not just her preparedness but her willingness to resume all functions and duties of the Resident National Electoral Commissioner.
Well, Nigeria is a nation of miracles. Perhaps, Ayoka Adebayo, in the first place, never resigned as a National Electoral Commissioner. What was the origin of the letter of resignation to which the Federal Government re-acted by not only rejecting her resignation and the same letter of resignation which she has not disowned?
Ayoka Adebayo’s re-appearance to conclude the Ekiti by-elections is neither withdrawal or denial of resignation.

If she has done either of the two or indeed both, Nigerians as of right are entitled to know. Otherwise, why was the government so swift to reject her resignation?
Ayoka Adebayo, who publicly resigned her service as National Electoral Commissioner publicly must also withdraw her resignation publicly and formally. This is for record, legal and constitutional purposes. Without such steps, could she be said, even after surfacing, to have lawfully performed her official duties.
There were other aspects of this drama improperly handled. While the search for Ayoka Adebayo lasted, President Umar Yar’Adua hurriedly assemble what turned out to be PDP’s war cabinet at Aso Rock. In attendance were Police Inspector-General Mike Okiro, INEC National Chairman Maurice Iwu and questions PDP National Chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor. Conspicuously not invited was AC national chairman, Chief Bisi Akande.
Umar Yar’Adua has the right to pursue PDP’s interests but he has no right to employ Nigeria Police and Independent National Electoral Commission to pursue the interests of PDP as was done in the Ekiti election.

If, by attending the Aso Rock meeting, PDP national Chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor was to be briefed on arrangements for concluding the Ekiti governorship election, the leadership of Action Congress as the major rival in the election was also entitled to such briefs.
INEC and Nigeria Police do not exist for the PDP alone. These organs are for all Nigerians and all political parties. In effect, what happened was that Umar Yar’Adua abused his office by employing state machinery for the sole benefit of his party.
The most fraudulent in all these tactics was that at a very decisive stage, seven bills on electoral reforms were sent to the national assembly. Dummy, decoy or diversion? Anyone fits. On a weekend – Saturday or Sunday? It suddenly became so urgent to reform our electoral tactics?
Coming so soon after the Yar’Adua, Okiro, Ogbulafor and Maurice Iwu war effort on retaining Ekiti by all means, sending seven bills to National assembly was for obvious reasons than those stated.

The decoys are commonplace – electoral reforms, declaration of emergency in power sector, seven-point agenda, Niger Delta report, etc. Results so far? Just about the time of Ekiti showdown, Nigeria was once again plunged into fuel scarcity. That, at least, equally, have meritted attention as the seven bills for electoral reforms.
These seven bills for electoral reforms cannot be more urgent in legislative intent than Olusegun Obasanjo’s notorious Land Use Decree of 1978. Obasanjo ensured he grabbed land privately all over the place – Ota, Mambilla Plateau, etc – before enacting Land Use Decree in 1978 and incorporated it into the 1979 Constitution to deprive fellow citizens the right to private ownership of land.
In Umar Yar’Adua’s case, up to the eve of submitting seven bills for electoral reforms among which was bar carpet crossing among state and national legislators, ANPP governors (including Yar’Adua sons-in-law were being encouraged to cross to the PDP. As sitting governors, it is impossible to defeat them in future. Who then are those left in opposition parties to be barred from crossing to the PDP? Rather, only PDP can benefit from such electoral reform so that whatever humiliation, he (a PDP governor or legislator) cannot join another party.

What is more, the 1999 Constitution already contains a provision against carpet crossing. But the same PDP encouraged Senators from other political parties to twist that provision and they were welcomed to the PDP.
Stipulating a ten-year ban for election crime is inadequate even though details of the bills are still to be known. Who will pass these bills? The same people who benefited from election crimes?
Far better than a mere ten-year ban is a five-year term in jail without parole or pardon for life. Furthermore, any beneficiary of election crimes must forfeit any chance to re-contest.

Some words for INEC chairman, Maurice Iwu. Was it his place to inform the nation that the two contestants in Ekiti were running neck-to-neck? He did not stop there because he was scheming. Maurice Iwu alerted observers that 18,000 (eighteen thousand) votes were expected from Oye-Ekiti. But the electorate was determined to guard their ballot boxes against any stuffing with fake votes.
At the end, less than four thousand votes could be accounted for. Hence, results from other local governments, which had earlier been disputed and indeed rejected for being counted at a police station, instead of the stipulated counting centre, were held as valid by the same resident electoral commissioner, Ayoka Adebayo. All within five days.