This is a very rare headline in an all English newspaper, a normal headline humorously spiced with Yoruba common man’s slang. But then, these are rare times in Ogun State, especially Abeokuta, the capital.
The headline is therefore borrowed from history – a decisive stage of the 1962 crisis in the defunct Action Group, then the ruling party in the old Western region. This rare feat in Nigerian journalism was recorded by the late Isaac Thomas, an editor in the Daily Times whose creativity is hereby acknowledged.
In the midst of the combination of public anger, public entertainment (depending on which side was the observer) and political tension threatening the regional stability, there could be no more appropriate headline to convey the message to readers.

The Action Group crisis reached the stage where they tried to remove west regional premier Ladoke Akintola from office but he stood his ground against his party’s decision especially as it (the attempt to sack him) was based on a document of no confidence signed, outside the parliament, by Action Group legislators.
Chief Akintola refused to quit and insisted on such a motion being debated on the floor of the House of Assembly. This headline now applies to Ogun State governor Gbenga Daniel’s position in Ogun State PDP as he maintained his stand against his formidable opponents inside the same Ogun State PDP and perhaps against the national leadership’s ruling in the effort to end the crisis.

This crisis reached a decisive stage first when it was impossible for the national leadership of PDP to hold its peace meeting at the state capital, Abeokuta, and therefore impliedly, favoured Governor Daniel’s political enemies by shifting the peace meeting to Abuja. The opposing forces against Gbenga Daniel are so formidable as to be taken as invincible.

The peace terms of PDP’s national leadership at the Abuja meeting were (and still are) clearly against Gbenga Daniel and in favour of the demands of his adversaries led by ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo.
In Yorubaland, when a man is said to ‘ta ku,’ it means he does not compromise, which these days is known in political parlance as “no shaking,” that is not yielding or losing an inch (on points or issues in dispute).
The situation in Ogun State is surely amusing and entertaining for the light-hearted but for the serious and critical-minded observers, the political drama is frightening for obvious reasons. Everything in the current political tension in Ogun State happened in the past. In fact, the emerging picture is that of history repeating itself.
In Nigerian politics, whether federal or (but especially) state level, security concern is the most convenient weapon employed to disadvantage and indeed castrate potential rivals. In Ogun State, government concern for security can almost be waved against conjugal rights of a married couple.
PDP’s main challenger for the 2003 governorship race, Dipo Dina, for security concern, could not collect a chieftaincy title somewhere in Yewa. To round it up for him, the poor man was detained by the police and charged to court for an alleged offence. For lying low since then, Dipo Dina could not be prosecuted by the police, though he was released on bail. Should he resume his criticisms of Ogun government (quite legitimate under the constitution) Dipo Dina will be back in court.

Did Olusegun Obasanjo not clamp Oodua leader Frederick Fasehun, MASSOB leader Ralph Uwazurike and Ijaw militant stalwart, Asari Dokubo in detention on security grounds? What happened to the treason charges against them?
Back to Ogun State, Senator Iyabo Obasanjo was to collect chieftaincy title in Abeokuta, but till now, the social event is yet to take place. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Aremu Gbadebo was openly threatened with deposition for allegedly undermining state security in demanding social amenities for his people.
House of Representatives Speaker Dimeji Bankole was to be a special guest at Yewa Day celebrations but could not attend the ceremonies owing to security concern. Proceedings of Ogun State House of Assembly ended abruptly following invasion of protesting party supporters. When state legislators attempted to resume proceedings a few days later, their convoy was stopped by the police along Sagamu-Abeokuta expressway. The state Commissioner of Police raised security concern for the safety of the legislators which he (Police Commissioner) said he could not guarantee. The legislators (by the way, critical of the state governor) had earlier fled the state for suspected violent attacks.

It is mandatory (under the constitution) for the state House of Assembly to sit for one hundred and eighty days in a year. Failure to meet that requirement will render the House of Assembly malfunctioning. What, under the constitution, is the consequence? A vital segment (the legislature) of Ogun government would have collapsed. What does that portend for the continued stay in office of the government?
On similar occasion in the past, the NNDP government (an off-shoot of Action Group crisis in Western region) cited security concern to ban public meetings and processions throughout the defunct Western region. The crunch came when Dr. Michael Okpara, in 1963 as leader of UPGA (United Progressive Grand Alliance) was to tour Western region to shore up the morale of Action Group and NCNC supporters, before then, arch political enemies.

The two parties after losing elected legislators, through carpet-crossing to form NNDP, were forced by circumstances to form the UPGA. As leader of UPGA, Michael Okpara wrote NNDP premier of the West, Ladoke Akintola informing him of his visit. Chief Akintola replied that he would not be available to host his brother premier. But Michael Okpara proceeded on the journey to Western region.
Chief Akintola travelled out of Ibadan. But Michael Okpara, on arrival, observed protocol by visiting the Premier’s Lodge, Iyaganku. With nobody to receive him, Okpara signed the visitors’ register and left.

It was all amusing and entertaining. Western House of Assembly was to meet and determine Chief Akintola’s fate in 1962, through a vote of note confidence on the floor, these days referred to as impeachment.
The proceedings were disrupted by fellow legislators in Ibadan just as in Ogun State. The outcome? State of Emergency declared by the Federal Government and probe of Action Group administration in Western region, with premier Akintola out of office for six months.
In 1981, the then Ogun State governor Bisi Onabanjo continuously expressed security concern to ex-President Shehu Shagari, a situation the late governor claimed, was created by the confrontation of the Awujale (Oba Sikiru Adetona) with Ogun State government. A political ploy to eventually attempt to depose the Awujale, President Shagari unsuccessfully tried to defuse the tension but Ogun government maintained its (false) picture of imminent breakdown of law and order.
The result? Ogun government woke up one morning to well-armed mobile police securing sensitive public buildings and formations throughout the state. When Ogun government protested, Shagari’s federal government explained its action as a response to incessant complaints and fears of imminent breakdown of law and order expressed all along by Ogun State government.

In the present situation, House of Representatives Speaker Dimeji Bankole, owing to security concern of Ogun State government, could not honour an invitation to a social function in Yewa senatorial district. It is good news that the man is a level-headed fellow.
Otherwise, Nigerian constitution guarantees right of freedom of movement to every citizen and when that citizen is number four in Nigerian hierarchy (The President, Vice President, President of the Senate, and Speaker of House of Representatives) his constitutional right of freedom of movement is imperative. All state governor Gbenga Daniel should have done, like the late West regional premier Akintola, was to travel out of the state or at least keep away from Yewa senatorial district, venue of Speaker Bankole’s aborted function.

Should Speaker Dimeji Bankole, be determined to visit any part of Ogun State, his official security is constitutionally beyond any threat or concern. With the entire Nigeria as his constituency, the Speaker of House of Representatives is higher on protocol list or under the constitution than a state governor. Or some time some day, a state governor, for security concern, will stop President of Federal Republic of Nigeria from visiting.
Fortunately, in the case of Ogun State, the headquarters of Second Division of Nigerian army is Ibadan, less than a hour’s drive from state capital, Abeokuta. If necessary, the Presidency and National Assembly both have the constitutional responsibility to assert the right of freedom of movement of the Speaker of House of Representatives with a battalion of Nigerian Army. Such a battalion will secure the safety of House of Representatives speaker all along the route to the venue of the event.

The first duty of any government especially Federal and state, is to guarantee the security of every citizen. Where a state government expresses its inability or fails to perform its main rationale in office, there is the veritable constitutional remedy. The frightening picture is a state of emergency.
Forceful guarantee of the right of movement of Speaker Bankole in particular or in fact, the constitutional right of any citizen in any part of Nigeria will not be peculiar. In the United States, a citizen, James Meredith became the first black to be admitted to the University of Mississippi for a four-year programme. Governor George Wallace would not allow James Meredith to take his place at the university.

American President John Kennedy sent down sufficient number of national guards to countermand governor George Wallace, to ensure James Meredith’s constitutional right to attend the university of his choice and to guarantee James Meredith’s personal safety throughout the four years in class, on the campus, on the university bus and in the state of Mississippi. James Meredith is still alive today.
Ogun State Governor Gbenga Daniel’s lot is unenviable either in the pattern or timing of his political problems. Here are the prospects. The national leadership (or national headquarters) of the PDP is being forced to choose between a state governor and the party’s chairman of board of trustees. And when that board of trustees chairman has a personal record of producing President Umar Yar’Adua, the position of Aso Rock (or at least Aso Rock’s eventual position) on the Ogun State PDP crisis should be clear.

Furthermore, when that chairman of PDP’s board of trustees, as president of Federal Republic of Nigeria, also produced Governor Gbenga Daniel, the topic closes.
The topic cannot close or it will be a rush to judgement to unfairly portray Governor Gbenga Daniel as an ingrate to Olusegun Obasanjo. Rather, it should be seen as a repeat of history, more as a retributive justice against Obasanjo. Was Olusegun Obasanjo grateful to those who released him from prison and got him elected President of Federal Republic of Nigeria?
Was Obasanjo grateful to former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar who resisted pressure and supported Obasanjo to be re-elected for second term? Was Obasanjo grateful to Alliance for Democracy state governors and the party itself for mobilizing south westerners for his (Obasanjo’s re-election in 2003?)
This is not to overrate Governor Daniel’s chances of survival in the present dangerous political storm. Never mind virtually entire who-is-who in Ogun State PDP lining up behind Olusegun Obasanjo or in opposition to Governor Gbenga Daniel. Action Congress? Democratic People’s Alliance? Add them together and guess the answer.

What suddenly has happened in Ogun State? A sitting governor Segun Osoba allowed challenger Gbenga Daniel freedom to collect chieftaincy titles and distribute gifts to potential voters all over the state. Indeed, when complaints arose that the state television and radio stations were not collecting challenger Gbenga Daniel’s political advertisements, and were not covering Daniel’s campaigns, sitting governor Segun Osoba instantly disowned the blackout of challenger Gbenga Daniel’s advertisement and news of campaigns.

Now, Speaker Dimeji Bankole cannot distribute exercise books to his constituents, for which he is paid constituency project allowances. Now, challenger Dipo Dina is, on a spurious security ground, awaiting criminal trial for political campaigns, and cannot collect chieftaincy honours. Aspiring state governor (now senator) Iyabo Obasanjo cannot collect a chieftaincy title from her traditional ruler, Oba Gbadebo, Alake of Egbaland.
So frighteningly hopeless is the situation that a face-saving compromise may be a way out. Let anybody willing to be honoured or honoured collect his or her chieftaincy title. Stop waving and instead waive all self-serving ideas of security concern. Allow freedom of movement and freedom of Assembly for rival politicians. Those constitutional rights are no special favour

At the same time, are all these the only issues in Ogun PDP? The party records in contemptuously rigging election- presidential, national or state assembly or governorship or even within the party – is the worst in Nigerian political history.
After rigging out almost all parties, PDP members at the national, state, local government and ward election now rig themselves. Again, Obasanjo rigged out successive national chairman of the PDP and now Governor Daniel rigged out Obasanjo’s loyalists throughout Ogun State PDP.

That is the major problem. Obasanjo will not put up with no area of influence. Unfortunately for Gbenga Daniel, and fortunately for Olusegun Obasanjo, PDP national leadership is unable to provide peace terms acceptable to both sides. PDP national leadership is backing Obasanjo’s demands for the dissolution of the party’s executive at every level in Ogun State – ward, local government and state, all presently and personally controlled by Governor Gbenga Daniel.
A showdown is ahead and the katakata is so one-sided that a winner or a loser is easily predictable. Oh, there are those who will disagree on this prospect.
In Yorubaland, for such disagreers (so to say), we have a way of alerting the danger signal. “Eh! I am saying my own o. Nhun!”