God surely abides in Ogun State, South West Nigeria. Otherwise, the political
tension which engulfed that part of the country would not have diffused (especially
if it was diffused) so easily. At least, so it seems for now.
The two distinguished figures involved in the public row – Governor Gbenga
Daniel and Oba Adedotun Gbadebo, Alake of Egbaland, have reportedly exchanged
visits to iron out whatever differences. Still, the government arrogantly exploited
Oba Gbadebo’s good gesture by portraying his visit as a trip to apologise
to Daniel.
That was inappropriate but far less alarming than the implied threat of Ogun
State government to depose Oba Gbadebo as Alake of Egbaland. For the avoidance
of doubt, Ogun government described Oba Gbadebo’s comments on the state
of roads in Abeokuta as “inciting and undermining and the government might
be forced to invoke relevant portions of the chieftaincy law on the Egba paramount
ruler.”
Have things gone as bad as this that Ogun government is even ignorant of the
limit of its authority to discipline even an offending traditional ruler? What
is more, Oba Gbadebo has done only his duty as a traditional ruler.
Meanwhile, there is this dangerous development in Ogun State where the slightest
criticism of Governor Daniel is taken as enemy action and where the man is not
even complaining, the evil influences down there come charging. The point was
well made last time by members of Ogun State House of Assembly who said they
had no problem with Daniel as state governor but that Daniel should leash his
dogs.
With the recently diffused crisis, members of Ogun State House of Assembly have
been vindicated. I had a personal experience. The secretary to the state government
had just died in a motor accident near Abeokuta while returning from official
duty in Rivers State. To avoid similar incidents in the future, (in this column)
condemned unnecessary speed of convoys of state governors and the president
as well-known by Nigerians on our roads.
I was woken up that Friday morning by a phone text from a chap from Abeokuta,
the state capital complaining that I was criticising Daniel. I asked him if
he understands English and if “governors’ and president’s
convoys” referred to only Daniel. The man responded that I mentioned Ogun
State at least six times.
At that stage, I sent him to his governor with the following text: “Even
if I mentioned Ogun State one hundred times, did the accident not claim the
life of the secretary to the government? In any case, is Gbenga Daniel now God
who should not be criticised? I knew Gbenga Daniel long before you were appointed.
If he (Gbenga Daniel) has any complaint, he has my contact number.” The
man quietly withdrew.
It is this same mentality that has been woven round ordinary normal (repeat
normal) observations of a traditional ruler and even if Governor Daniel complained,
those around him should have told him the appropriate line of action.
I am a traditionalist and a veteran of the anti-deposition (of traditional rulers)
wars of the past. Twenty-three years ago, my traditional ruler, Oba Sikiru Adetona,
Awujale of Ijebuland, conferred on me the prestigious chieftaincy title of Jagunmolu
(successful war commander) of Ijebuland. The title is the equivalent of war
honours conferred on distinguished soldiers by the British queen or American
president.
A previous Ogun State government, again for political differences within a year
of assuming office, cooked up charges against Oba Adetona and purported to depose
him as Awujale of Ijebuland. I stuck out my neck and publicly stood by Awujale
throughout the four-year legal battle and we won. Till today, Oba Adetona remains
on his throne as Awujale.
There was an irony in this particular case. The state governor, the late Bisi
Onabanjo who claimed to have deposed Oba Adetona was a close friend of the Awujale
and was also a big brother to me, all of us from Ijebu-Ode. But we disregarded
our blood ties and fought it out in law courts.
My support for the Awujale was based on culture, facts of his case and history
of intermitent government over-bearing in humiliating traditional rulers in
Yorubaland. Either by accident or design, these salient facts also favour Oba
Gbadebo, the Alake of Egbaland in the present controversy.
By the way, one of Oba Gbadebo’s supporters reportedly threatened to invoke
the spirit of Egba ancestors during the crisis. That was irresponsible. Suppose
thereafter, something providential occurred in Ogun State, a case would have
been made for retaliatory ethnic strife. Where anyway, were the ancestors’
spirits when Bashorun Abiola’s election victory was annulled? Were the
ancestors acquiescing when Olusegun Obasanjo was jailed last time? How much
did the ancestors protest when an Egba son, Olusegun Osoba as governor, was
betrayed by another Egba son?
Now, how valid were the charges against Oba Gbadebo? Has Ogun State governor
the power or authority to depose Oba Gbadebo or any traditional ruler? None.
Oba Gbadebo, the Alake of Egbaland should therefore lose no sleep on threats
to depose him. The chieftaincy law with which Oba Gbadebo is being threatened
with deposition does not exist since it was pronounced null, void and of no
life by a court of law in 1984.
For giving Governor Daniel this information, I am sending him a bill for one
hundred million naira more, than what he would have wasted as fees for lawyers
in a vain attempt to sustain an illegal and unconstitutional purported deposition
of Gov Daniel Oba Gbadebo.
In his critical assessment of state of roads in Abeokuta, was the Alake inciting
his subjects? Would Oba Gbadebo be the first to demand amenities for his people?
Even if the Alake was criticising Governor Daniel, what law was the Alake breaching?
Would Governor Daniel be the first to be criticised by Oba Gbadebo? of neglect
or poor amenities is criticism of the man in charge? Oba Gbadebo was not in
any way criticising Governor Daniel.
The Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, as his major responsibility never
misses any opportunity to complain against lack of Federal Government (not state
government) projects in Ijebuland. The last time the Awujale made such complaint
was to the President Olusegun Obasanjo at Ijebu-Ode Stadium in the very presence
of Governor Daniel as the host. Obasanjo or any evil influence around him did
not accuse Awujale of inciting Ijebus against him or threaten the Awujale with
deposition.
Again to be fair to the Alake, he was the first (to be followed by Oba Akiolu
of Lagos and the Olubadanof Ibadan) to openly criticise ex-President Olusegun
Obasanjo for rendering Egbaland with poor or non-existing amenities throughout
his (Obasanjo’s) eight year tenure as elected president. Daniel was similarly
hosting President Umaru Yar’Adua when Oba Gbadebo criticised Obasanjo
perhaps indirectly but no more directly as he (Oba Gbadebo) did against Daniel.
It is therefore false to portray this crisis as an Egba versus Ijebu matter
or that it is an Egba plot against Ijebu governor. Gbenga Daniel is a Remo governor
and not Ijebu governor. Ijebu accordingly have nothing against their Egba brothers.
Oba Gbadebo’s criticism against Obasanjo was in fact incorrect in that
virtually all federal projects which on paper, were for Ogun State throughout
Obasanjo’s eight-year tenure, were all sited in Egbaland. Police Computer
College in Abeokuta, borehole in Papalanto, Federal Cardiac Centre in Abeokuta
and Power Plant in Papalanto, all of which were duly listed in this column when
the Alake spoke but the fact remains that he criticised Obasanjo’s regime.
It is wrong to portray the Alake as criticising Governor Daniel simply for demanding
his subjects entitlement – good roads. Even when General Diya, an Ijebu,
as Chief of General Staff (second citizen in the country) visited Ijebu-Ode,
Oba Adetona demanded Ijebu state for his people first, as the same, Awujale
demanded Ijebu state when (the then president) Obasanjo visited.
As for those pushing Daniel to either threaten Oba Gbadebo with deposition or
to actually depose the Alake, Ogun State governor should ignore them for their
ignorance of the legal and constitutional non-existence of the chieftaincy law
since its death was pronounced in 1984 in the Oba-Adetona vs Ogun State government
deposition case.
Authoritatively, Daniel is hereby informed that contrary to the overwhelming
powers his executive council members gave him to invoke the Ogun State Chiefs
Law Cap 23, Ogun State governor should, no such law exists today. Governor Daniel
should request from the state chief judge, a copy of the monumental ruling of
late Justice Kolawole in the Awujale deposition suit.
An old Western region chieftaincy law with which Alafin Oba Adeyemi (father
of present Alafin) was deposed in 1954 completely outsted the jurisdiction of
any court of law on any action arising from the law. This was to solidify the
injustice meted to the late Alafin deposed despite the report of Lloyd Commission
of Inquiry which cleared him of any misconduct.
Unfortunately for Bisi Onabanjo’s Ogun State government, the 1979 Constitution
clearly embodies right of fair hearing and renders null and void any state law
inconsistent with the federal constitution. Oba Adetona, as a constitutional
right, accordingly challenged the legality of Ogun chieftaincy law, (with which
he was purportedly deposed) on grounds of inconsistency.
Justice Kolawole accordingly declared null and void not only the state chieftaincy
law but also Oba Adetona’s deposition. With that, where and what is the
law with which to depose Oba Gbadebo? If Daniel is to pass a new law with which
to depose an oba, he will be on a collision course not only with Ogun traditional
rulers but also Ogun State House of Assembly members, given the present mutual
antagonism of the governor and legislators.
Another aspect of any factless move to depose Oba Gbadebo is that every such
exercise has explosive consequences which Ogun State government must prepare.
Let us consider this. Governor Daniel deposed Oba Gbadebo. Inevitably, the Alake’s
subjects take to the street in violent (extremely violent protests) armed mobile,
police are sent in but are overwhelmed by the protesters armed or unarmed.
Armed military personnel are requested or sent in, resulting in fatal causalities
and continuing violence. Federal Government will be forced to declare state
of emergency. Governor Daniel’s regime will be sacked, an emergency administrator
will be appointed to rule the state. Petitions, especially from civil servants
with valid documents against Daniel, will flood the administrator’s office.
Inevitably, Daniel’s regime will be probed. The verdict? Will ex-head
of state Olusegun Obasanjo, as an Egba, be completely without influence in the
direction of events one way or the other especially after possible crimes against
humanity (his people)?
In between, a formidable team of Nigerian (or even Egba) lawyers will establish
in a law court, the nullity (as per a Justice Kolawole’s judgment in Oba
Adetonas Ogun State government deposition case) of Daniel’s unlawful deposition
of Oba Gbadebo and the Alake will return to his throne.
These are some of the political convulsions Daniel cannot foresee now or is
stubbornly prepared to risk because the evil influences around him are either
ignorant of, are well aware of but urging him on.
If unluckily he loses office, Daniel will be abandoned by the same evil forces
who will then describe him as unwilling to take advice and that power consumed
him. Does Daniel really know Nigerians? They will instantly shift to whoever
succeeds him. Can he believe such?
Similarly, there is no law in the constitution or electoral act for an outgoing
governor to arrogate to himself the sole right to choose which section of a
state from where his successor will come or who is the candidate therefrom.
In short, no law disqualifies any Egba man from contesting governorship elections
in 2011. What is going on is divide and rule. For this exercise, Yelwa and Egba
have well-educated potential candidates with credible public service record.
Current deputy governor Salimot Badru since 2003 has earned public admiration
for her loyalty to the governor. Governorship materials are made from such loyal
and committed lieutenants. General Tunji Olurin is a civil war veteran, an ex-military
governor of Oyo State, an ex-commander of ECOMOG troops an ex-emergency administrator
of Ekiti State under Obasanjo’s civilian regime. Another potential is
distinguished chattered accountant (now senator) Kola Bajomo.
It is, therefore not as if Yewa lacks suitable governorship candidates for 2011
to warrant special treatment or favour for them. Instead, Yewans, should, therefore
bid as outstanding Ogun State indigenes, lobby and persuade other two senatorial
districts for support – Ogun Central (Egba) and Ogun East (Ijebu).
When lobbying Egba, and Ijebu to support him for re-election in 2003, did Gbenga
Daniel inform Egbas and Ijebus that in 2011, in return for any favour these
two groups did for him, it would be the turn of Yelwa to produce governor in
2011?
Egbas, therefore have the right to bid for the ticket in 2011. The blackmail
against potential Egba candidates must not hold. Senator Iyabo Obasanjo for
example. So what? What law bars her as the daughter of an immediate ex-president
from contesting? Not in the constitution and not in the electoral act.