By Fred Itua, Abuja
For many keen political observers, the refusal by the Senate to confirm Mr. Ibrahim Magu as the substantive chairman, did not come as a rude shock. Judging by the strong forces against him in the Senate, questions would have been asked if his confirmation had sailed through.
What happened last Thursday on the floor of the Senate, kick-started long before Magu’s name was forwarded to the Senate in June this year. And pundits also believe that the reliance on DSS report not to confirm him was probably a smokescreen. For them, the issues are beyond that.
How the drama played out
After a close door session with Magu, which lasted a little over an hour, spokesman of the Senate, Abdullahi Sabi, briefed newsmen. He said the rejection of Magu was based on a ‘worrisome’ security report, made available to lawmakers by DSS.
Senator Sabi said: “The Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria wishes to inform the general public that based on security reports available to the lawmakers, we could not proceed and confirm the nomination of Ibrahim Magu as the executive chairman of EFCC.
“Accordingly, the Senate hereby rejects the said nomination and has returned the said nomination to Mr. President for further action. There is no confusion here. We have said it is based on security reports.
“Please, all public officers go for security screening and we are saying based on security reports, we cannot proceed and confirm. We are rejecting it and returning it back to Mr. President for further actions. That is just the statement. It is as simple as that. That is exactly what the Senate has said and I do not have any other explanation more than this.”
However, names of other board members of EFCC forwarded to the Senate committee on Anti-Corruption and Financial Crimes for further legislative action. Before his rejection, Magu had worked round the clock to ensure that contents of the document were never made public.
The report alleged that Magu lacked the integrity to head EFCC. The said report was purportedly signed by a senior operative of DSS, Folashade Bello on behalf of Daura, the secret police boss. The report was dated October 3, 2016 and was addressed to the clerk to the Senate.
The report alleged that Magu failed the integrity test of DSS and suggested that the Deputy Commissioner of Police, cum anti-corruption Czar would eventually constitute a liability to the anti-graft war of President Muhammadu Buhari if confirmed. Chief among the accusations is the claim that Magu is currently occupying a residence rented for N40million at N20million per annum.
The report stated: “This accommodation was not paid for from the commission’s finances but by one Umar Mohammed, a retired Air Commodore, a questionable businessman and ally of the subject who has subsequently been arrested by this service.
“For the furnishing of the residence, Mohammed enlisted the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) to award a contract to Africa Energy, a company owned by him to lavishly furnish the residence at the cost of N43million.”
“In one of such trips, Magu flew to Maiduguri alongside Mohammed and the Managing Director of Fidelity Bank, Nnamdi Okonkwo who was being investigated by the Commission over complicity in funds allegedly stolen by the immediate past Petroleum Minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke,” it further alleged.
Dwelling on his alleged ostentatious lifestyle, the report indicated: “On 24th June, 2016, he flew Emirate Airlines 1st class to Saudi Arabia to perform lesser hajj at the cost of N2.9million. This is in spite of Mr. President’s directive to all public servants to fly economy class.
“Investigation also revealed that Magu parades a twin personality. At one level, he is the Czar who has no friends, no favourites and is ready to fight corruption to a standstill. However, with a key friend in the person of Mohammed, he had betrayed the confidence reposed in him by the present administration.
“Whereas Magu portrays himself as very secretive, he has fostered a mutually beneficial relationship with Mohammed who by his confession, approaches clients for possible exploitation, favours and associated returns. This was facilitated with official secrets divulged by Magu and from which dealings he is believed to have been drawing considerable benefits.
“This was evidenced by the number of official and classified documents he made available to his associates, especially Mohammed. After a search of Mohammed’s premises, a forged letter of the office of the Vice president was recovered.” “It was only after the arrest of Mohammed by this service that the EFCC hurriedly arraigned Amosun. Mohammed later confessed that he never wanted Amosun tried, describing him as his former boss and he saw in Magu, a willing accomplice. However, the action was later expunged following the discovery that Lawson was falsely accused by Magu for personal reasons,” the DSS report said.
The DSS also said its investigation revealed that in August 2008, following a search at his residence during the tenure of Farida Waziri as the EFCC chair, some sensitive EFCC documents were seen at Magu’s disposal.
“He was subsequently redeployed to the police after days of detention and later suspended from the force. In December 2010, the Police Service Commission found Magu guilty of action prejudicial to the state security,” it added.
Dirty fight between Ndume and Melaye
Before the commencement of the day’s business, two leading members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the Senate, Ali Ndume and Dino Melaye, were reportedly engaged in a war of words over the confirmation of Magu.
The two lawmakers, it was gathered, disagreed sharply during a pre-sitting meeting held at the office of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki. It was learnt that while Ndume gave nod to the confirmation of Magu, Melaye on the other hand, kicked against it. Daily Sun gathered that while some Senators rooted for an open screening of Magu during the meeting, others were opposed to it, saying the EFCC nominees should be referred to the Senate Committee on Anti-Corruption and Financial Crimes for screening.
How Ndume’s lobby of lawmakers failed
Magu, worried that his confirmation by the Senate may hit brick walls, allegedly pleaded with the Senate Leader, Ndume to intensify lobby of lawmakers whom he thought could sway the pendulum in his favour. Findings by Daily Sun revealed that Ndume reportedly spearheaded the failed lobbying of lawmakers who were believed to have moved against Magu’s confirmation.
Ndume, it was gathered, reached out to one of the ranking principal officers of the Senate on behalf of Magu in a last minute attempt to mend fences with him. It was learnt that he also reportedly met with a chairman of one of the Senate committees, charged with the responsibility of screening Magu. He however could not secure any commitments from the ranking principal officer and the committee chairman to assist the embattled Magu.
President Muhammadu Buhari appointed Magu acting chairman of EFCC after the removal of Ibrahim Lamorde on November 9, 2015. But the Presidency in June, seven months after his appointment, wrote to the Senate, seeking the screening and confirmation of Magu as chairman of EFCC. The letter was read on the floor in July, one week before lawmakers embarked on their annual vacation.
Before his appointment by Buhari as head of EFCC, Magu was the head of Economic Governance Unit of the commission. Magu, if confirmed by the Senate, will be the fourth head of the anti-graft agency, after Nuhu Ribadu, Farida Waziri and Mr. Lamorde. Like others, all the heads of the EFCC are from the North.
According to existing Nigerian laws, a public official is not expected to act in office for more than six months without confirmation of appointment. In the case of Magu, however, President Buhari did not forward his name to the Senate for confirmation eight months after he was appointed.
Former governors’ alleged role
Fresh indications have emerged that former governors and deputies, who are facing one form of fraud trial or another, allegedly played a role in the interplay which eventually led to Magu’s rejection.
Currently, there are about 20 former governors and former deputies, who are Senators in the Eight Senate. Out of this figure, more than half are either facing trial or under investigation by the EFCC.
The Senators who once served as governors are Bukola Saraki of Kwara, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of Kano, Kabiru Gaya of Kano, Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom, Theodore Orji of Abia, Abdullahi Adamu of Nasarawa, Sam Egwu of Ebonyi, Shaaba Lafiagi of Kwara, Joshua Dariye of Plateau, Jonah Jang of Plateau, Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko of Sokoto, Ahmed Sani Yarima of Zamfara, Danjuma Goje of Gombe, Bukar Abba Ibrahim of Yobe, Adamu Aliero of Kebbi, George Akume of Benue and Isiaka Adeleke of Osun.
Former deputy governors in the Senate are Mrs Biodun Olujimi of Ekiti and Enyinaya Harcourt Abaribe of Abia. Danladi Abubakar Sani served as the acting governor of Taraba state.
The rejection move against Magu, got a boost when the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami, announced few months ago that the Federal Government, through the EFCC will soon reopen the trial of former governors who served between 1999 and 2015.
Sources in the Senate told Daily Sun that ‘association of former governors’ in the Red Chamber saw the announcement as a free ticket to jail and immediately initiated moves to frustrate Magu’s confirmation.
Another factor which many believe worked against Magu was his alleged connivance with AGF in prosecuting the Senate President, over his alleged under-declaration of assets when he held sway as governor of Kwara State between 2003 and 2011.
Magu, it was gathered, furnished the Federal Government team with the necessary supporting documents in prosecuting Saraki.
As days go by, more revelations are popping up as to what, who and how Magu’s rejection was plotted and tactically executed.