FLASH BACK
Last week, we started our discourse on one of Nigeria’s iconic nationalists, Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro, “Father of Nigeria State”. Today, we will conclude the epochal motion he moved on the floor of parliament in 1953, to set the ball rolling for Nigeria’s freedom. Thereafter, another uncommon Nigerian patriot, Senator Joseph Tarka, comes on song.
Enahoro’s historic motion for Nigeria’s self-governance:
Opposing the British “go-slow”
Policy (continues)
“…One of the basic moves in the furtherance of that struggle – and even though we carry it on with less violent methods than the people of Kenya have found it necessary to employ, it is nevertheless a struggle – is a statement of our goal and that is why, in my view, it is necessary for this House to express an opinion on this subject.
“A declaration of objective, sir, is important in other respects. We and our people can be likened to builders. We have set out to build a new state. From the multitude of tribes in this country we are striving to build a new and modern structure. Self-government is merely the foundation of that structure. This work of construction is a romantic idea to me, and I am sure that Honourable Members will agree with me that we are all proud and honoured to be the architects and that we should be grateful to Providence that this task has fallen upon our generation. But among the responsibilities which accompany this great honour and privilege is the important decision which none but ourselves can make, as to when we shall strike the first sod in this new edifice. Many Honourable members, sir, have had houses built for them. Others like myself may only have seen them built. In the North I have seen peasants construct their own hamlets. For many years these poor peasants must have planned and dreamed of their own little homes. They did not just sit by and hope that Providence would create a new home for them. They did not say to themselves, “I shall lay the foundations of my new home as soon as practicable.” That is not planning. On the contrary, I am sure that they must have examined their own earnings and their business prospects over a period, then considered their commitments and found out where savings might be made here and there, and then they could say to themselves, “By the grace of Allah, I shall lay my foundation in three or five years’ time” Now, the builders of a nation, as we are, are no different from these poor peasants. That is why in places like Russia, England, India and other countries, the Government sets out a declaration of objectives embodied in five-year plans, and all that this motion asks of this Legislature is to follow in the footsteps of these great and wiser nations and to establish a political objective towards the attainment of which we can bend the energies of our own people. Many years ago, sir, when I was a young man and I entered public life, the popular slogan was “Self-government in our life-time”. But as the country advance, this slogan went out of vogue and the new catch-phrase was “Self-government as soon as practicable”. That is many years back. As I have said, I do not wish to deal with the arguments for self-government and how the desire for freedom grew, but anybody who has kept pace with political advancement or with the trends of political thought in this country in the last seven years will agree that the bare idea of self-government is no longer attractive, is no longer enough. Whether it is expressed as “Self-government in our life-time” or “Self-government in the shortest possible time” or “Self-government as soon as practicable”, it has ceased to be a progressive view, because Nigerian nationalism has moved forward from that position. The question in the public mind since the end of the war has been, “Self-government, when? What time, what date?” That is the question which this motion now invites Honourable Members, who should be true representatives, representatives of that same public which is demanding an answer, to answer. There is a third reason, sir, why a declaration of objective is important. We do not want to part with the British people with rancour. For many years have they ruled us. We are not an unreasonable people, and like a good house servant, it is only fair that we should give our masters notice of our intention to quit, so that they can effect arrangement either to employ new servants or to serve themselves. We do not wish to take them by surprise. On the contrary, we wish to invite them to co-operate with us in the attainment of our objectives. Honourable Members may remember that the Indian cause alienated a lot of sympathy in the United Kingdom because of what was regarded as the indecent haste with which the British evacuated or withdrew from India. The British mind, essentially a conservative mind, does not like things thrust upon it all of a sudden. We all know that. This motion is designed therefore to acquaint the British public with what we are thinking, with what we are feeling, so that our agitation in 1956 for self government will not come to them as a surprise. This motion will also afford the British Government sufficient time within which to arrange gradual withdrawal and progressive transfer of power to Nigerians… We will go into the lobbies, sir, to decide the future of our own people and of our own children. None of the officials has a stake in this country, and I mean no offence at all when I describe them as mere birds of passage. They are here today, sir, but being of the Colonial service, they may well be elsewhere tomorrow, by transfer or by retirement. I beseech them, therefore, not to take any course which might lead to an estrangement between us and them. Mr. President, the whole country –I might even say the whole world- is awaiting the verdict of this House on this motion. News of what we say there today will travel far and wide. I do not know how many honourable members read the English press. They may have noticed in the Daily Telegraph an account of the debate which took place here last week on nudity. I am sure that any Honourable member looking back now and reading an account of that debate will feel thoroughly ashamed of the decision of the House. I appeal, sir, to all sections of this House not to let us repeat the mistake of underestimating the extent of overseas interest in the proceedings of this House. Our minds are irrevocably made up on the issue of self-government in 1956. Sir, I beg to move.”
This historic motion heralded the genesis of Nigeria’s self governance. I am wondering aloud if present day legislators can be so incisive, deep, erudite and profound in debating and rolling out historic motions to cure Nigeria’s pervasive challenges.
Honours
In 1973, Enahoro was awarded an honorary doctorate in political science from the University of Benin. The federal government in 1982 conferred on the Adolor of Uromi the prestigious award of Commander, of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 1982.
Death
Enahoro died on December 15, 2010, after a protracted battle with diabetes at his residence in Benin. He has died, yes, but his legacy remains imperishable in the annals of Nigeria.
Joseph Tarka- The Middle Belt Hero
Senator Joseph Sarwuan Tarka (1932–1980), was a celebrated Nigerian politician from Igbor, Benue State, to the family of Tarka Nanchi and Ikpa Anyam. He was a former Commissioner ((Minister) for Transport and then of Communications under General Yakubu Gowon. Tarka’s father was a village teacher of TIV origin. The father later become a Head master and chief in Mbakor, Gboko.
Early career
Tarka attended Native Authority Primary School, Gboko and Katsina-Ala Middle School. He thereafter became a teacher at Katsina-Ala Middle School before further studies at Bauchi Rural Science School. He was a member of the Tiv Native Authority Staff Union and of the Northern Teachers Association.
Tarka’s arrival on the national scene
First republic
Tarka was one of the founding fathers of the United Middle belt Congress (UMBC), a political group that advocated Middle Belt’s interest. In 1954, on a ticket that was allied with the Middle Belt People’s Party Tarka was elected to represent the Jemgba constituency in the Federal House of Representative. In 1957, the Middle Belt party decided to merge with the David Lot led Middle Zone League to form the United Middle Belt Congress. Tarka then emerged as president of the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC). The party soon formed an alliance with the Action Group (AG), the dominant Western Region party. Tarka was a delegate to the Nigerian Constitutional Conference of 1957. He also represented the Middle Belt zone at the Willinks Commission of 1958. The Willinks Minority Commission was set up by the colonial government to address ethnic cleavages and fears of the minority groups in Nigeria, factors that had already polarized Nigeria’s politics in the 1950s. Preceding independence, leaders of minority ethnic nationalities agitated for different regions; or in the alternative, constitutional safeguards against domination by major ethnic groups in an independent Nigeria.
The Willinks Commission rejected minorities’ popular craving for separate regions. In its place, Willinks recommended that a “Bill of Rights” modeled along the European Convention on Human Rights be incorporated into the independence Constitution, to guarantee minority rights through national integration. This was why a charter of human rights and fundamental freedoms was incorporated into the 1960 Independence Constitution. Tarka was thus, one of the Architects of the Independence Constitution.
In 1958, Tarka was appointed as a shadow Minister of Commerce. Tarka’s UMBC, a predominantly Christian party, contested the pre-independence election of 1959, and the subsequent election of 1963, against the mainly Moslem Northern People’s Congress (NPC). Both elections led to violence in the Middle Belt. This greatly contributed to the Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu’s inspired military take-over on January 15, 1966. Tarka was re-elected in 1959. In 1962, along with other Action Group leaders, he was arrested on charges of treasonable felony, but was acquitted for lack of evidence. He was also subjected to continual harassment and petty prosecutions for some political “offences” in the North. Tarka bluntly refused to come to any accommodation with the Northern leader, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello. (To be continued).
Thought for the week
“Taking on a leadership role doesn’t mean that you only have to be personally ambitious”. (Jacinda Ardern).