Not a few citizens are dissatisfied with the current order of politics and governance in Nigeria. Hopes and aspirations of a better Nigeria that heralded the transition from military rule to civil democratic rule in 1999 have remain largely unrealised. Political parties that are supposed to be the fundamental structures upon which the entire democratic political process rests have largely been opportunistic means of achieving power for self-serving purposes.
The manifestos of all political parties are similar in empty rhetoric, full of sound and fury signifying nothing. This unsatisfactory state of affairs has necessitated the idea of a “Third Force” as a rejuvenated ideological platform to alter the course of Nigeria’s journey to a prosperous nationhood away from the path of self-destruction. However, the vocal few who are championing this latest intervention in the political landscape have not been able to articulate the vision and mission of a third force in perspectives relevant to Nigeria’s socio-economic well-being.
The first of many steps towards achieving a Nigeria that realises our aspirations for a progressive, prosperous and just society is to first realise individual complicity in the bad state of affairs that has characterised our fatherland. Some of us have allowed our ethno-geographic and religious biases to degenerate to bigotry, which has largely defined our democratic choices. Interestingly, these sectional tendencies have failed not just the Nigerian state but the intended sectionalists’ beneficiaries. Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s six-year presidency did not leave his native Niger Delta region paved with gold, just as President Muhammadu Buhari’s rule so far has not changed the status of his home region of the North West as the poorest region in the world.
Nigerians who have come to realise the futility of sectionalism are deemed the first recruits into a Third Force, whose ideologue should be a Nigerian who is passionate about the unity of Nigeria and upholds the sanctity of state citizenship. Having achieved the self-enlightenment that Nigeria is not a diverse country as widely believed but a mono-racial nation of traditionally linked ethnic groups domiciled in all of its four cardinal points, a third force ideologue must take deliberate steps to integrate and assimilate with every Nigerian economically and politically, which systematically substitutes “state of origin” with “state of residence.” For example, a third force advocate like Oby Ezekwesili, who is from Anambra State and ethnically identifies as Igbo, must first recognise an “Umaru Bako,” whose grandfather moved from Daura in Katsina a century ago and settled in a place called Bida, in the commercial city of Onitsha, where he was born, bred, schooled and speaks Igbo language effortlessly as a bona fide Anambra resident with all rights and privileges extended to him accordingly as a citizen. Similarly, a third force political figure like Donald Duke should be seen using his influence to get a “Jide Sumonu,” who originally identifies as Yoruba but was born, bred and schooled in Cross River State, elected into the House of Assembly to represent Calabar Municipal Area Council, in a deliberate show of the belief in the sanctity of the oneness of all Nigerians, irrespective of varied ethno-geographic origins. All third force ideologues from across the country must embody and demonstrate these deliberate sure steps towards national assimilation and integration that aims to transform Nigeria from a country of indigenes into a united nation of citizens; a condition preceding sustainable socioeconomic development.
A Third Force is not likely to be confined within the rigid structures of a political party neither is it going to be about personalities. Rather, a Third Force will be an embodiment of a pan-Nigerian agenda for inclusive growth and development that will redefine the goals of citizens’ participation in partisan politics, which would in turn expectedly yield benefits in the form of legitimate individual and collective prosperity. Political participation is always with the aim of individual benefit just as most people worship God because of the promise of a Paradise flowing with milk and honey. The challenge before this emerging Third Force is to situate individual benefit within the broad framework of a mutually beneficial system that is not parasitic on the people or government. To supplant the old order, a new order must not displace the current beneficiaries of the system but only seek to substitute the mode of benefit from disruptive to creative. Currently, political participation is fundamentally driven by primitive acquisition for individual and sectional enhancement at the expense of the Nigerian state, which is detrimental to its growth and development.
To move away from this self-immolation of parasitic and divisive politics of identity and patronage reward system, a third force should evolve a vision of a prosperous Nigeria whose existence is more for economic reasons than political, by mobilising Nigerians to realise the importance of pragmatically aligning their democratic choices with their individual business interests, which collectively aggregates as the core of Nigeria’s economy away from ethno-geographic and religious sentiments.
The old order thrived pretty much on ethno-religious sentiments, which led to the current state of dysfunction in our polity, with grave consequences of retrogression in all spheres. When people align their democratic choices with their ethnicity or religion, they get such tokenism as patronage in the form of appointments of their elite into “juicy” public offices, sponsorship on pilgrimages, donation of worship centres and government contracts for a few connected individuals, leaving the majority of the people’s needs unmet.
Under the current order, reward for partisan participation is by way of direct patronage from the public purse. The unsustainability of the current order is evident in the growing army of politicians who are entangled in mortal combat for a space at the sharing table, as the economy has largely been left unattended. Ironically, the temporary acquisitions from public office no longer go a long way to sustain the beneficiaries after office. They ultimately become victims of the bad system they helped nurture while they were opportune to serve in government. In the end, everyone is a loser under the current order. Hence the need for a third force as a way out.
Mobilising Nigerians to pragmatically align their legitimate individual business with their democratic choices, the retrogressive ties of ethnicity will be broken as artisans, medium and large-scale entrepreneurs from the cardinal points of the Nigerian nation will converge on a common interest of policy promise that will enhance their collective interests. This will create a new progressive association out of every ethnic group in Nigeria whose bond is not language and culture but shared economic interests.
Artisanal shoemakers from Kano, Ibadan and Aba will come together and bet their money and political influence on a policy that enhances their shoemaking business, irrespective of the ethno-geographic or religious background of the candidate making the promise. A third force should guide the emergence of unifying economic blocs like guild of artisans and chambers of commerce and industry to replace divisive ethno-geographic blocs likes Ohanaeze, Arewa and Afenifere as the main influences of Nigeria’s democratic political process. Most significantly, the reward for partisan political participation would be reaped from well implemented social contracts that will enhance individual legitimate business ventures with resultant increase in profits upon which participants based their support, and government’s lean resources will no longer bear the burden of a bloated bureaucracy to accommodate professional politicians. This will eventually lead to the emergence of political parties with clear-cut ideological leaning as each as the election process will become a healthy competition of ideas on how to enhance the socio-economic well-being of citizens. Card-carrying membership of political parties will give way to membership by shared ideological leanings.
For short and mid-term purposes, a third force should be able to clearly define the role of the state in the economy, taxation and environment as well as evolve a realist foreign policy that will guarantee Nigeria a fair share of world trade by negotiating favourable trade deals and securing for Nigerian businesses profitable overseas investment opportunities. Furthermore, a third force must seek to reverse the current trend that makes Nigeria a thoroughfare for all and sundry across Africa. An immigration policy that admits the best of human resources but shuts out the worst in order to shore up domestic inadequacies and reduce pressure on internal resources must be evolved.
In doing these and more, a third force would have reshaped Nigeria’s democracy from a government by a divisive ethnic majority to a unifying majority of progressive ideologues.