It is tempting to routinely dismiss former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s observation and assessment on security and agitation for restructuring in Nigeria as much of his old stuff. But this time, almost everything he said or warned against had been similarly treated in this column on more than two occasions, the last one only a few weeks ago under the headline “Fragile, handle with care.” Obasanjo’s only noticeable addition was the revelation that he and ex-defence minister, Major-General Ilya Bissala, in their report to the then Chief of Army Staff, Major General Usman Katsina, disastrously overestimated the capability of Nigerian forces to subdue Biafra within weeks. Instead, the war lasted 30 months.
Obasanjo was speaking as the main guest at the first memorial lecture for the late Frederick Faseun, founder of Odua People’s Congress. Impliedly, Obasanjo endorsed the repeated warnings in this column that with current United Nations principle of self-determination, any idea of another civil war, especially in a vain attempt to crush agitation for restructuring, would only eventually end in total disintegration of the Nigerian federation.
Thanks to modern logistics, unlike in 1967 when sheer opportunism and personal political ambition blinded particular stakeholders on which way to go. That bitter experience is here today to guide every group against fighting a war for another group. In fact, this time, Nigerians of various groups should be concerned about being driven into a war only for the benefit of their leaders throughout the country.
There lies the superior status of Obasanjo to strengthen the case against another war and compel attention within and outside Nigeria. This is not to overlook the irony of the involvement of Obasanjo in these matters. First of all, the very idea of Obasanjo delivering a lecture in memory of Faseun, leader of OPC? Literally (and very literally), that was medicine after death. When Obasanjo was jailed by General Sani Abacha for alleged treason, Faseun agitated for his release until Abacha died in office.
When, therefore, Obasanjo was elected Nigeria’s President, he saw it as an opportunity to pursue a new political venture – their so-called true federalism. What was his experience? Obasanjo’s government clamped Faseun into detention. While in jail, the man took ill and was admitted into government hospital in Abuja. At that stage, his case was highlighted in this column by describing his detention as an act of ingratitude by Obasanjo. With his personal lawyer, Kayode Ajulo, by his bedside, Faseun called me on phone to express appreciation for focussing on his plight, especially as he, Faseun, was on record threatening to deal with me for serving in IBB’s government, which nullified the June 1993 presidential election. I told him that I fully understood the circumstances under which he issued his threat merely to enthuse his OPC followers, and he laughed. To be fair to Obasanjo, not long after, he released Faseun from detention. But if Faseun were alive, would Obasanjo have attended such a lecture to publicly embrace agitation for restructuring, the very agitation which, as elected head of government, he, Obasanjo, not only rejected but also refused the agitators any space?
Ever (not so) crafty, Obasanjo tried to commandeer the agitation for restructuring but he also realised he would be accused of hypocrisy. He, therefore, clarified that (a) the agitation under his government was for true federalism, while, according to him, (b) the current agitation is for restructuring, as if six is different from half a dozen. Furthermore, Obasanjo commended South-West governors for establishing the Amotekun security outfit. With Amotekun, South-West governors merely but unilaterally exercised their power under the Constitution to cater for the interests of residents, all Nigerians, in the South-West zone. However, what was Obasanjo’s reaction, as Nigeria’s President, when the then Lagos State governor, Bola Tinubu, merely, even if unilaterally, excercised his power under the Constitution to create, as of necessity, more local governments in the state to cater for the welfare of all residents in the state?
Obasanjo took it as an affront and witheld the revenue allocation of even the old existing LGs, an impeachable offence under the Constitution. Would Obasanjo have allowed Amotekun security outfit to be formed under his civilian administration? Certainly not. Indeed, Obasanjo, in his days, would have sent armed soldiers to destroy every structure of Amotekun. Whatever his fault for the initial unwarranted threat to enforce the law against Amotekun, moreso under the guise of maintaining Nigeria’s territorial integrity, all an offshoot of bogus security report that Amotekun was a prelude to declaration of Oduduwa Republic, President Muhammadu Buhari has accepted the fait accompli of Amotekun and has not tampered with any entitlement of south-western states.
All said, Obasanjo’s observations must not be dismissed, especially as argued in this column long before Obasanjo. No part of the country will be hurt or handicapped by restructuring. Amotekun is a good example. If there is any part of the country suffering today, such are only those, for unknown reasons, without Amotekun. Imagine the murder of two, including a district head, in Kano and the massacre of 50 Nigerians in upper Kaduna. Otherwise, South-East states and some in North-Central zone have opted for a semblance of Amotekun.
Power supply is one other area for restructuring. Why must a country as vast as nigeria rely on only one central grid, which, when it collapses, throws the country into complete darkness? Why a single power generation for the whole country? Which part of the country will suffer if power supply is decentralised. Issuance of driving licences? In other federations all over the world, local units, not even the states, issue driving licences. Which local council will suffer in Nigeria if all of them are empowered by the Constitution to issue driving licences?
Ignorance and unfounded fear are behind opposition to restructuring. Otherwise, every part of the country, from local council ward to the zones, stands to benefit, especially on equal terms.
Not again in the North
A probe is said to have commenced in Kano State House of Assembly apparently aimed at eventually clobbering Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi into deposition, or even suspension, any of which will be irritating for his fanatical subjects. Obafemi Awolowo, in a lecture delivered at Ahmadu Bello University about 1972, dismissed any idea of such public probes because, as he explained, such are merely aimed at formalising government’s pre-conceived crudity. Awolowo did not like it when, in an interview in the run-up to the 1979 elections, if he accepted part-responsibility for such tactics. Lloyd Commission of Inquiry into 1954 riots in Oyo town completely exonerated the Alafin, Oba Adeyemi (father of present Alafin). But West regional government rejected the report and proceeded to depose the traditional ruler.
Subsequent deposition of other traditional rulers in parts of the country was similarly preceded by probes, reports of which, if they failed to blame the target, were always rejected. Hence, I opposed and severely criticised the deposition of Alafin in 1954, the Olota, Ogun State, in 1958, Olowo of Owo, Olateru Olagbegi, by the Western Region military government of Colonel Robert Adebayo in 1967, Emir Sir Muhammadu Sanusi by North regional Premier Ahmadu Bello, Olu of Warri, Erejuwa, by Mid-West Premier Dennis Osadebay, attempted deposition of Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, attempted deposition of Olu of Ilaro, Oba Tella, on account of his son’s criminal offence, deposition of Emir of Muri in the defunct Gongola State by military governor Yohana Madaki, the humiliation of Emir Ado Bayero by governor of Kano State Abubakar Rimi, the purported deposition or Emir Mustapha Jokolo of Gwandu in Kebbi State and the threatened deposition of Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo, by Governor Gbenga Daniel.
The purported deposition of Emir Jokolo of Gwandu has since been nullified by the high court as well as the appeal court, and the matter is now stuck in the Supreme Court, lacking the courage to try the case because of its mortal consequences for victimisation and maltreatment of traditional rulers in the North.
What also cannot be established is that the Kano State governor and the Emir are not the best of friends. Neither do they have to be, for each other to discharge his obligation. Creation of new emirates, query on official expenses and now official probe into emirate funds. As Fela Anikulapo-Kuti would put it,add them together and give us the answer. Suspension or deposition of a traditional ruler.
The last time an emir (Ado Bayero) was merely queried by Governor Abubakar Rimi of Kano State, public reaction was not palatable. Probe into public funds? Who are qualified to perform that task or to recommend punitive sanction? Who is qualified to implement such sanction(s)? In the present atmosphere? There is enough tension than igniting fresh one.
Speaker Gbaja mispoke
House Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila must have missed the point when he responded to criticisms that he celebrated birthday anniversary for his mother away from Nigeria.
According to him, he financed the bash from his pocket. Nobody expected him to have funded the party from his official expenses.
Before becoming House Speaker or even member of the National Assembly, did Gbaja ever celebrate birthday anniversary outside Nigeria for his parent? Would any public figure in Dubai travel to Nigeria for a birthday bash for any member of his family?
Any private citizen of Nigeria could celebrate himself or his family anywhere in the world. But for public office holders, much sacrifice is expected.
He cannot keep just any company or conduct himself anyhow in the public, since all such are liable to legitimate scrutiny by taxpayers. Worse still, at a time when poverty ravages most Nigerians, and while poor workers are still to be conceded N30,000 per month after more than two years of negotiations, any lavish celebration by a public office holder even within Nigeria easily provokes irritation. Even if others exhibit such big shows, Gbajabiamila should exclude himself.
In Lagos, and Gbajabiamila is one genuine family of the soil, we love music and scrupulously distinguish praise-singing from instructive philosophical admonition of the lyrics. Ebenezer Obey is one such exponent.
Over 40 years ago, Obey released a piece, which is recommended, as he admonishes: “Ore mi, ye, se kelekele. Ti aiye ba nfe e, rora j’aiye o, ore o fe’ni fe’ro, afi ori eni. Ore mi, ye se kelekele.” Literal translation for non-Yoruba readers? Nedu of Wazobia Radio in Lagos and especially Michael Nwanuocha of Lagos Traffic Radio will easily help out.