Julius Aneke
Every political generation often evolves certain cultures that define their times. In the present political dispensation, one cliché that has emerged as a functional political currency is the much romanticized issue of rotation and inclusiveness. Variously described as “power shift, “zoning”, or “rotation”, they all connote an aspiration to possibly give political flesh to the intendment of Section 14 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which, among other things, sought to draw attention to the imperative of inclusiveness for all sections of the polity in the governance of the country.
Although primarily an idea conceived by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), to foster unity and political inclusion among Nigeria’s disparate zones, the concept of power rotation has perhaps emerged as one of the most enduring legacies of the Third Republic. It now doesn’t matter the party in power, it is taken for granted that this unwritten code will always be respected. But even before this power alternating formula became a staple of Nigeria’s democracy, it can safely be said that it had long taken a firm root in the politics of Enugu State even having descent to seasons preceding the creation of the state. This understanding has helped to ensure that the governorship position alternated across different geo-cultural zones in the old Enugu State, with keen consideration given to eras preceding the creation of the state as we know it today in 1991.
Thus it is not out of tune to bring into the calculations, eras of Chief Jim Nwobodo in the old Anambra State (1979 – 1983), and the late Chief C.C Onoh (October 1983 – December 1983). So, even though Chief Nwobodo lost his re-election bid to the NPN’s Chief Christian Onoh whose governorship also ended rather abruptly courtesy of the 1983 military coup, that understanding was nonetheless, still respected eight years later during General Ibrahim Babangida’s military-democratic hybrid.
The year was 1991 and two states (Anambra and Enugu) had by then been carved out of the old Anambra State. As helmsman of the latter, Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo was clearly a beneficiary of this arrangement. Notwithstanding the shortness in the tenures of his predecessors, much weight was given to the fairness to the zone that had as at then not tasted it. Thus, being from a geo-cultural zone totally distinct to his predecessors influenced his choice as candidate of the NRC and, as a matter of fact, his eventual election as governor. Dr. Nwodo went further to develop its philosophical underpinning whereof he clothed it with the fundament known as the “triangular equilibrium”. By that he meant that power was not only meant to rotate, but even appointments to critical political offices in the state must reflect the triadic balance of the state vis-à-vis the 3 senatorial zones.
And although Gen. Babangida’s diarchal experiment was short-lived, yet neither the lengthy spell of military rule which came afterwards, nor even the fact of the very short stay in office of the former governor, could dampen the resolve to enthrone political inclusion in the state. Thus, on return to democracy, the governorship pendulum swung in favour of the Enugu East senatorial zone with Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani, as the new governor. Many tales still remain of the tenure of the young medical doctor from the United State of America; but even with his trademark swashbuckling brinksmanship notwithstanding, he still recognized the importance of respecting this historical tripod that has guaranteed equity and given the peoples of each senatorial zone a real sense of belonging.
That abiding philosophy, coupled with Nnamani’s personal whim, paved the way for the accession of his successor, Governor Sullivan Chime from Udi, Enugu West senatorial zone. So, once Chime had served out two governorship terms, there was no doubt about the zone from where the next governor would emerge – Enugu North Senatorial Zone. The immutability of this template was so established to such extent that the only question in 2015 was in regard to who the candidate would be and not which zone! The current incumbent, Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, aided by providence and his predecessor’s implicit endorsement, emerged as the heir presumptive. With his second term election fully secured, he will by 2023 have completed the state’s triadic governorship cycle just as the founders had intended. There may indeed be intense jockeying at every governorship campaign cycle – sometimes, even by persons whose chances are precluded by the prevailing rotational principle – but such ambition usually gets tamed at the polls, if it survives the civic outrage before actual voting. So, the cycle is a clockwork predictable process that conduces to peaceful co-existence, exposes all political shenanigans and, ultimately, nurturing democracy. There is, as a result, an unquestionable certainty among the Enugu State electorate of the direction towards which the pendulum will swing next.
Indeed, although the 2023 general election is still a long way ahead, the sense of anticipation is palpable in Enugu East Senatorial Zone. The zone is made up six local government councils – Enugu East, Enugu North, Enugu South, Isi-Uzo, Nkanu East, and Nkanu West. Therefore, as far as the people of the state are concerned, it is more of an axiomatic truth to hold that the next governor of the state will definitely come from among these six local government councils! This inherent predictability of Enugu State governorship elections has made politics in the state a lot more tolerable endeavour, when compared to the experience in some other states where governorship contests often tend to be annihilatory. It can therefore be advertised as practically, the root of the peace and civility for which Enugu State has been noted over the years.
Pragmatic solutions like this often lend itself to emulation, as could be deduced from the number of states that have imbibed this simple and equitable template. And while it might be difficult to prove which states’ embrace of the rotational governorship principle predates one another’s, the point here is that the adoption validates its potential for peace and political inclusion. Thus, despite the intense squabbling that typify governorship contests in Anambra State for instance, and with contestants employing seemingly scorched earth tactics, it is thanks to this unwritten political convention that some zones are not altogether shut out of the governorship seat on account of their comparatively lower population or high profile contacts and financial resources. This same understanding has equally fostered equity in Ebonyi State and eliminated a sense of alienation once felt by indigenes from a part of the state.
Indeed, the calming effect of rotational governorship is not limited to the South-East. From Cross River to Akwa Ibom; Edo through Ogun, its benefits far outweigh whatever shortcomings critics may level against it.
Barr. Aneke writes from Abuja