The timing and venue might be very wrong for the intellectual xenophobes who lately exhibited their persecution complex in a vain attempt to grab the post of vice-chancellor (VC) of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State. The all-round condemnation of these xenophobes might also be a relief, in contrast with the disgrace of 1952 in the defunct Western Region. That was the first time political fraud and opportunism were employed for personal and group advantage against established procedure all over the world.
In short, there was nothing new in the blackmail, desperation as well as clannishness exhibited by those agitating for the post of VC on no other basis than being son of the soil. If only such nationalism had been displayed 70 years ago (1952) when the menace first reared its head in the form of carpet-crossing to ensure political control in the region. The background was virtually the same as in the case of the intellectual xenophobes at Obafemi Awolowo university.
For the 1951 elections to the defunct Western House of Assembly, electoral regulations under the constitution of each of the three regions were specific that, among others, (a) any permanent resident of the region was qualified both to contest and (b) form the government on majority of elected seats. Contesting candidates of each of the parties (or alliances). There was, therefore, no doubt on who was the candidate on the platform of which party or alliances. Hardly had election results commenced than Nigerians saw aspirants who contested as candidates of one party yesterday declaring for a rival party the next day as a member of parliament on the platform of his new party. The notorious name for that electoral fraud was carpet-crossing.
And then to legitimise that electoral fraud, the beneficiary party, the Action Group, in desperation, aroused ethnic emotions by claiming “East for easterners, West for westerners and North for northerners.” The idea was clear that the victorious party, the NCNC, led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, who was one of five members of his party elected from Lagos, was robbed of victory for ethnic reasons. That was a dangerous political precedent, the shortsightedness of which blindfolded the proponents.
In other words, could the carpet-crossing tribal jingoists of 1952 in Western Region have ever thought that their shameful episode would be repeated in 2022? Indeed, what is the difference, if any? Guidelines (for appointment of a vice-chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University since the institution was founded by West Regional premier in 1962, S.L. Akintola, were that only competence and merit would be the sole consideration. In the current case, agitation was mounted not even by tribalists but by clannists that, strictly, an indigene of Ife area should have been appointed, notwithstanding the fact that the new vice-chancellor was a fellow Yoruba. Furthermore, even if the new vice-chancellor were from Ife area, that could also have resuscitated the old Ile-Ife/nearby Modakeke fratricidal bloody war.
The agitation might have been conveniently successful for the clannish chauvinists at Obafemi Awolowo University were the new vice-chancellor an Igbo or Hausa-Fulani. After all, were Professor Adamu Baikee and Professor Tekena Tamuno not at certain times vice-chancellor of University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and University of Ibadan, respectively? Except for the blackmail or desperation of intellectuals who have not much hope on personal merit, there is nothing rigid that only local renegades should be appointed vice-chancellors. When University College, Ibadan, was founded in 1948 as a campus of the University College, London, Professor Kenneth Mellamby was the first vice-chancellor and was succeeded by two foreigners Professors Sanders and Perry before the first Nigerian vice-chancellor, Kenneth Dike, assumed office in 1960. Similarly, when the first Nigerian full-fledged university was founded at Nsukka in 1960, the vice-chancellor was Dr. George Johnson from Michigan State University, United States. Only Professor Eni Njoku was the first indigenous vice-chancellor in Nigeria at University of Lagos in 1962. Those were the days when merit strictly was the major criterion, unlike these days when the idea of local content is stretched too far in an attempt to rob the newly-appointed vice-chancellor of his merit because he is not from Ife area.
How, for example, could a man who reportedly came ninth in the screening exercise be appointed a preferred vice-chancellor on the ground of being an indigene of the university site environment? To worsen matters, the man preferred as the new vice-chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University is a fellow Yoruba like the one who emerged ninth in the exercise. Should the man who came first have been skipped on the ground of being alien?
Then, to learn that sympathiser(s) of “the ninth man,” in their protest, planted bowl (and perhaps bowls) of native sacrifice/concoction at prominent place on the campus, obviously to scare the university community. Somebody should have kicked away that bowl of sacrifice and nothing would happen. The myth would have been destroyed.
Incidentally, the episode at University of Lagos in 1964 over the proposed extension of the appointment of the pioneer vice-chancellor, Professor Eni Njoku, was caused by rival politicians of the day even though with taints of etnic jingoism.
From Chibok school to Abuja train
There was a major deterioration in national security when the newly installed but busy rail line between Abuja and Kaduna was vandalised by criminals who derailed the trains and were reported to have killed eight innocent Nigerians. This tragedy was foreseen and highlighted in this column when the vandals first indicated their murderous intention on that same route. The necessary warning was given in this same column that urgent effort should be made to pre-empt that disaster. That warning is being repeated.
For a start, the magnitude of the latest disaster seems to be closely guarded. So far, we are relying on the government figure of eight as the number of the fatalities. On the other hand, Nigerians don’t know the number of passengers on the aborted journey from Abuja to Kaduna. The initial figure put the number of passengers at almost 900. A day later, this was reduced to just over 300. Out of these, eight were reported dead and fewer than 30 were reported to be receiving treatment for injuries. In all, these are fewer than 35 out of the over 300 passengers. Where are the rest? How many of them? Have we forgotten that about that number of schoolgirls were reportedly kidnapped at a Chibok school in Borno State long, long time ago? Some were reported to have escaped and returned to their parents. What happened to the rest? In this same Nigeria, where about as many train passengers have been kidnapped and taken to an unknown destination?
Will it be the case that after the insoluble Chibok girls debacle, we have recorded Abuja-Kaduna rail line murder/abductions? What are the chances of arresting the culprits? Even if arrested, what are the prospects of facing the law? Lawyers will appear for these criminals with delay tactics of up to many years, during which blood money would be paid for such inhuman services. Judges would be compliant in granting unnecessary and long adjournments.
Meanwhile, once again, many Nigerians would be in mourning for their murdered relations and as sorrowful witnesses of the charade of presumed prosecution of the criminals. What is the fate of those kidnapped and driven away? Yet, Nigerians will resume their ritual of blaming the government. Eight Nigerians were murdered on that train. The penalty for murder remains death. The Abuja-Kaduna train ambush should not be treated as one of those in which culprits are pampered and claimed to have been rehabilitated by the Nigerian government and employed by the railway establishment.
One mistake the Nigerian government can make is to underestimate the gravity of the disruption/vandalism/murders on our railway lines. It will be in its interest for the Nigerian government to assess the dangerous development for what it is, a declaration of war by these criminals. How far they will go or indeed succeed will be determined by how they perceive the government to be lethargic. So it was with the Chibok girls, such that the development eventually made kidnapping about the only growth industry in this era of uncontrollable downhill economy.